JERUSALEM — The Israeli election on April 9 was supposed to be a referendum on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Facing indictment on bribery charges and a stiff challenge from a career soldier who retired as the military’s chief of staff, Mr. Netanyahu, for the first time, was both deeply vulnerable and unable to persuade Israelis that he was clearly the best prepared to keep them safe.
Again and again this past week, Mr. Netanyahu appeared to lay bare those weaknesses. Yet suddenly it is the fitness of his opponent, Benny Gantz, that is being questioned.
Nothing played out as expected when Mr. Netanyahu flew to Washington on Sunday. It had promised to be a crowning moment, in which President Trump would proclaim United States recognition of Israel’s sovereignty over the Golan Heights, and Mr. Netanyahu would remind voters back home of his mastery of international diplomacy.
But a Gaza rocket strike north of Tel Aviv on Monday not only set off a new round of violence, it also reminded voters that Mr. Netanyahu’s policy in Gaza, such as it is, has been to count on the Iron Dome antimissile system, order largely symbolic retaliatory airstrikes that cause few casualties, hope for cooler heads to prevail, and then do little if anything until the next flare-up.
To worsen matters, as thousands of Israeli citizens repeatedly ran for cover, forcing Mr. Netanyahu to cut his trip short, he complained to Israeli reporters as he boarded his flight home about how little attention their news outlets had paid to the Golan Heights event, saying, “The fact that you covered it for no more than a minute is something you will pay for.”
An editorial cartoonist for Yediot Ahronot captured the prime minister’s tone-deaf self-involvement, depicting him gleefully asking Israelis pondering the smoldering wreckage of their home: “Did you hear about the Golan?”
Yet a series of unforced errors by Mr. Gantz and his campaign have now allowed Mr. Netanyahu not only to move on but to raise doubts about Mr. Gantz’s readiness for the scrutiny that comes with being prime minister.
After delivering a well-received speech to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee’s annual conference on Monday, Mr. Gantz gave back-to-back satellite interviews from Washington on the most-watched Israeli evening news broadcasts, and handed Mr. Netanyahu’s video- and meme-makers ammunition to use against him.
Asked how he would handle Gaza differently from Mr. Netanyahu, Mr. Gantz rambled between platitudes about “rebuilding our deterrence” and “using our strength,” but offered no actual solutions. He botched the name of one interviewer, stammered the name of the other and struggled to adjust to the satellite delay.
Asked about a leaked recording in which, speaking privately, he had speculated about Mr. Netanyahu’s willingness to have him harmed physically, Mr. Gantz tried to sidestep the matter as gossipy and unimportant, but fueled interest in it, saying, “I’m not paranoid.”
Mr. Netanyahu’s campaign jumped to the attack, questioning Mr. Gantz’s mental stability and releasing a new ad, with the interviews edited to amplify Mr. Gantz’s embarrassment, declaring that the job of prime minister was evidently “too big for him.”
To top it off, on Wednesday, the Israeli state comptroller released a report faulting the Israeli police for contract irregularities that names Mr. Gantz’s bankrupt former company, Fifth Dimension, which had sought to sell the police artificial-intelligence technology.
The company is accused of exaggerating its experience, clientele and product readiness at the time it won a no-bid contract worth about .1 million for a test of the technology.
Mr. Netanyahu did not hesitate to demand a full-blown criminal investigation. “Netanyahu must not be subjected to one set of laws while Gantz is to another,” said his party, Likud.
“Investigate Benny Gantz now,” Mr. Netanyahu said on Twitter.
Mr. Netanyahu is known as a swift and no-holds-barred political fighter, but the past few days also showed that Mr. Gantz can be slow on his feet and that his party can be lumbering on the attack.
The Labor Party’s leader, Avi Gabbay, was first to slash Mr. Netanyahu for his complaints about news coverage when rockets were falling on Israeli homes, releasing an ad Wednesday morning saying, “Excuse me, Bibi, we were busy with life itself.”
“If you’d take the Labor campaign and put it with Gantz, maybe he’d have a chance,” quipped Tal Shalev, the political reporter for Walla News, one of Israel’s top news sites.
By Wednesday night, Mr. Gantz had responded forcefully, but from the relative comfort of behind a teleprompter. He said Hamas leaders needed to be “eliminated,” accused Mr. Netanyahu of losing “all control,” and said the Likud campaign had “become a factory of lies and ugly slander.”
“This is what happens when you are in the job for too many years,” Mr. Gantz said. “The corruption, the money, the self concern. The citizens bore him.”
But defeating Mr. Netanyahu, indictments or not, has always been a challenge with little room for errors, given his longevity, powerful base of support and political talents. And now, Mr. Gantz has made more than his share.
His campaign hopes to regain its footing, and the upper hand, by refocusing public attention on the latest scandal to embroil Mr. Netanyahu: Allegations that he improperly authorized the sale of advanced German-made submarines to Egypt without the approval of top military officials, possibly at a cost to Israel’s national security, and engaged in self-dealing, through a financial stake in a company that supplied the shipyard that built the Egyptian subs and several Israeli warships.
“Making mistakes is something that happens in life,” Mr. Gantz said Wednesday night, “but putting a country at risk, and the submarine affair in particular — for this there can be no forgiving.”
Overlooked during Mr. Netanyahu’s and Mr. Gantz’s detours to Washington was word from Germany that an investigation had been launched into Israel’s purchase of the warships from the shipyard, ThyssenKrupp.
Still, any political benefit Mr. Gantz might derive from the submarine scandal may be fleeting.
The Gaza tensions could escalate on Saturday, as Hamas marks the anniversary of the border-fence protests against Israel with a big demonstration. And that is unlikely to aid Mr. Gantz, who as army chief oversaw the last Gaza war, in 2014, said Tamir Sheafer, a political communications scholar at Hebrew University.
“Most of the people who want a harsher military action, that see the solution with power and might, naturally they are right-wing,” he said, and likely would not support a centrist like Mr. Gantz.
“They’d vote for another right-wing party, one that’s another coalition partner for Bibi,” he said.
In an appeal to those voters, Naftali Bennett of the New Right party, who wants to become minister of defense if Mr. Netanyahu is re-elected, created an ad in which, speaking Arabic but donning a skullcap like armor, he threatens Hamas with devastation.
Even Mr. Gantz’s admirers can sound fatalistic about the political ramifications of renewed fighting in Gaza.
Hours after the first rocket from Gaza on Monday struck the Wolf family home in Mishmeret, a pastoral village about 20 miles north of Tel Aviv, a hedgerow nearby had become a living billboard for banners of Mr. Gantz’s Blue and White party and for Yair Lapid, his political partner.
But their supporters feared that the rocket attack would help only Mr. Netanyahu.
“I think Bibi will get stronger,” said Avi Rahamim, 63, a farmer who described himself as a centrist. “Who votes for Bibi? The people who don’t believe in peace.”B:
天下彩公式三肖【毫】【无】【疑】【问】，【长】【枪】【手】【与】【火】【铳】【手】【实】【在】【是】【流】【水】【线】【训】【练】【的】【最】【好】【选】【择】【了】。 【不】【需】【要】【太】【高】【的】【兵】【员】【素】【养】，【也】【不】【需】【要】【太】【多】【的】【技】【巧】，【总】【之】【死】【命】【的】【练】【就】【行】【了】，【勤】【能】【补】【拙】，【至】【于】【那】【些】【有】【天】【赋】【的】【自】【然】【也】【不】【会】【被】【埋】【没】，【尤】【其】【是】【火】【铳】【手】，【赵】【烈】【还】【将】【组】【建】【一】【支】【神】【枪】【手】【队】，【专】【门】【用】【于】【狙】【击】【敌】【军】【将】【领】。 【无】【论】【任】【何】【时】【候】，【将】【领】【都】【是】【一】【支】【部】【队】【的】【灵】【魂】，【尤】【其】【是】
【若】【果】【真】【如】【她】【所】【说】，【叶】【念】【根】【本】【就】【不】【是】【真】【的】【傻】【子】，【而】【是】【装】【傻】，【那】【么】，【只】【要】【叶】【念】【将】【大】【火】【的】【真】【相】【告】【知】【警】【方】…… 【不】，【不】，【叶】【念】【根】【本】【没】【有】【证】【据】，【她】【现】【在】【在】【众】【人】【眼】【中】，【也】【只】【是】【一】【个】【傻】【子】【而】【已】，【她】【孟】【晚】【歌】【来】【个】【抵】【死】【不】【认】【账】，【谁】【又】【能】【奈】【她】【何】？ 【可】【若】【是】【叶】【念】【真】【的】【将】【那】【场】【大】【火】【公】【之】【于】【众】【的】【话】，【引】【得】【陵】【漠】【辰】【对】【那】【场】【大】【火】【存】【了】【疑】【心】，【真】【的】【去】【调】
【容】【月】【儿】【简】【短】【的】【回】【答】【了】【句】，【直】【接】【挂】【断】【了】【电】【话】。 【她】【怎】【么】【可】【能】【不】【懂】？ 【自】【小】【在】【勾】【心】【斗】【角】【的】【氛】【围】【里】【长】【大】，【她】【比】【谁】【都】【知】【道】，【怎】【样】【保】【护】【好】【自】【己】。 …… 【绑】【匪】【这】【边】。 【结】【束】【了】【通】【话】，【他】【问】【傅】【靖】【安】【道】，“【乔】【少】【爷】，【这】【跟】【我】【们】【商】【量】【的】【不】【符】【合】【呀】。【需】【要】【带】【你】【过】【去】，【万】【一】【这】【容】【小】【姐】【不】【听】【我】【们】【的】【话】，【私】【自】【带】【了】【人】【过】【去】【围】【剿】。【那】【把】【你】【交】天下彩公式三肖【战】【凌】【风】【猛】【然】【呼】【出】【了】【一】【口】【气】，【无】【奈】【摇】【了】【摇】【头】，【看】【着】【苏】【瑾】【迷】【迷】【糊】【糊】【的】【样】【子】，【嘴】【角】【失】【笑】，【这】【或】【许】【就】【是】【所】【谓】【的】【命】【中】【注】【定】，【爱】【一】【个】【人】，【真】【的】【不】【需】【要】【那】【么】【久】，【短】【短】【一】【年】，【他】【已】【经】【深】【陷】【其】【中】，【无】【法】【自】【拔】，【亲】【了】【亲】【浑】【然】【不】【知】【他】【情】【绪】【变】【化】【的】【小】【女】【人】，【搂】【着】【她】，【关】【灯】，【睡】【觉】。 【第】【二】【天】，【吴】【宇】【和】【莎】【雅】【夫】【人】【果】【然】【来】【探】【班】【了】，【苏】【瑾】【何】【子】【珊】【正】【在】【拍】【戏】
“【你】【有】【没】【有】【闻】【到】【倾】【城】【身】【上】【有】【天】【凌】【的】【气】【味】？”【苏】**【立】【即】【向】【夏】【青】【然】【密】【语】【传】【音】【询】【问】。 “【闻】【到】【了】，【你】【有】【没】【有】【闻】【到】【天】【凌】【身】【上】【有】【倾】【城】【的】【气】【味】？”【夏】【青】【然】【也】【立】【即】【询】【问】。 “【闻】【到】【了】。”【苏】**【回】【应】。 【两】【人】【没】【再】【说】【什】【么】，【各】【忙】【各】【的】，【苏】**【在】【跟】【苏】【天】【凌】【聊】【着】【天】，【夏】【青】【然】【则】【主】【要】【跟】【花】【倾】【城】【聊】【天】。 【一】【边】【聊】，【一】【边】【试】【探】。 “
【杭】【晨】【太】【厉】【害】【了】，【打】【的】【人】【家】【狼】【狈】【逃】【窜】。 【唇】【枪】【舌】【战】，【颠】【倒】【乾】【坤】，【皇】【室】【和】【内】【阁】【和】【新】【王】【国】【的】【人】【员】【为】【了】【战】【争】【扯】【皮】，【但】【战】【斗】【不】【会】【停】【下】【来】，【新】【王】【国】【就】【是】【这】【样】，【一】【边】【打】【一】【边】【扯】【皮】，【反】【正】【怎】【么】【都】【不】【会】【被】【认】【同】【的】。 【然】【后】【继】【续】【谋】【划】【他】【们】【的】【下】【一】【次】【战】【略】，【如】【今】【是】【要】【回】【到】【华】【夏】【去】，【华】【夏】【才】【是】【他】【们】【的】【根】，【新】【王】【国】【的】【根】【基】。 【只】【不】【过】【相】【比】【来】【说】，